Edward Moringe Sokoine: Unforgotten hero of Tanzania

EVERY year Sokoine Memorial Lecture is held at Sokoine University of Agriculture in Morogoro. Sokoine Memorial Lecture is an occasion of commemorating commitment, hard work and the tireless efforts of the late Edward Moringe Sokoine, the former Prime Minister of Tanzania.

Forums to commemorate the great son of Tanzania, the late Sokoine, are held in many places in the country including other higher learning institutions and secondary schools. Sokoine was not very famous on the world stage during his era as he was locally.

This is because he did a lot of good things for the country people than he bothered for the external world. He left the international relation portfolio on his boss, the then President of Tanzania, Julius Kambarage Nyerere. Throughout the 1960s and until the 1980s, Nyerere represented Tanzania in global forums.

Sokoine was a noble leader and won respect from over 98 per cent of all Tanzania. He also won the respect of the then President, the late Mwalimu Nyerere. Sokoine’s name now appears in the names of schools, hospitals, streets and roads across all regions in Tanzania.

The leading agriculture university in East Africa, Sokoine University of Agriculture has been named after him too. Edward Sokoine represented a generation of leaders who rose during the post-independence era. He represented a unique breed of leadership that espoused a clear political vision, while at the same time grappled with the operational problems of development.

He was the epitome of a people’s leader, embodying the virtues of integrity, simplicity and dedication to the cause of the nation. He was a leader who combined effectiveness and respect for the popular will. He was incorruptible and dynamic, always striving to defend the interests of the Tanzanian people.

Twenty-nine years ago, on April 12, 1984, the nation lost a true son of our soil, the greatest patriot this country has ever produced, a man of great character and a leader dedicated to the development of his people and country. He died in a car accident at Dakawa, a few kilometres from Morogoro town, along the Morogoro Dodoma road.

To many Sokoine was a giant of their time, playing an instrumental role in the fight against graft, which also earned him many enemies. Edward Moringe Sokoine was born in 1938 and served as country Prime Minister from 13 February 1977 to 7 November 1980 and again from 24 February 1983 to 12 April 1984, when he died.

The sudden demise saddened the nation, including the president, the then Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. Sokoine was born in Monduli District in the Arusha Region in northern Tanzania. He began attending Government Primary School in Monduli at the age of 10 and joined Umbwe Government School in Kilimanjaro Region.

In 1961 he joined the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), a political party that led Tanganyika to independence and one year later he went to the Federal Republic of Germany where he studied administration (1962– 1963). On his return to Tanganyika, Sokoine took a position as District Executive Officer of the Masai District (now Monduli, Longido and Simanjiro Districts).

In 1965 he was elected to the National Assembly for the Masai Constituency. In 1967 he became Deputy Minister of Communication, Transportation and Labour. In 1970 he was promoted to be the Minister of State.

In 1972 he became the Minister of Defence and National Service and in 1975 he was elected to the National Assembly again, this time for the Monduli constituency. Two years later, he became a member of the Central Committee of the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and in the same year (1977) he began his first term in office as Prime Minister until 1981. After a year-long break, he became Prime Minister again in 1983.

He served the office for only one year, when death struck him on April 12, 1984. In both terms Sokoine served as Prime Minister he succeeded Rashid Mfaume Kawawa, who is now also dead. Sokoine’s strength of character and ethical standard were distinguished and brought as much hope to some people as they did challenge others.

To Tanzanians belonging to the more impoverished economic groups from which he himself derived, his was a story of redemption. But doubts about his suitability to represent the elite classes were rife. In late 1970s Tanzanian economic growth slipped into the negative due to the impact of the Tanzania-Uganda war and failure of Ujamaa policies.

During this time the country experienced an acute shortage of basic necessities, with a few greedy individuals deliberately hoarding goods in order to further drive up their prices. Corruption was at its peak, with many ordinary Tanzanians living a miserable life having to bear the brunt of economic saboteurs.

To many Tanzanians who lived during this era, Sokoine represented hope. Sokoine became popular because of his operation against uhujumu uchumi (Economic Sabotage and Racketeers) which he spearheaded a few years before his untimely death. Sokoine also fought hard against ulanguzi (black marketeering and unfair price hiking).

In particular, he wanted to fight the economic inequality of a few individuals who were bent on profiteering from the hardship that had been created by the deliberate scarcity of essential goods such as sugar, soap, rice, building materials and clothing.

He sought to provide basic goods and services to more citizens at more affordable prices than they were being offered by those who were otherwise accumulating goods and selling them for inflated prices. Father of the Nation Mwalimu Nyerere once described Sokoine as a person who knew how to use his time in office to address matters of national interest.

Since Sokoine’s death, corruption has taken its toll among various parties in the community including leaders leaving the poor people facing economic difficulties. This is what Sokoine fought against. He fought for the marginalised and helped to establish the Economic Saboteurs Act to this end. Like Nyerere, the late Sokoine sacrificed much of his life for the betterment of the country.

His down to earth character, modest lifestyle and integrity contribute to his being one Tanzania political figure whose reputation was unmatched on the national level. There is no doubt that his death overshadowed the hopes and dreams of many Tanzanians.

But his legacy will be there to stay. Since he passed away in 1984, Sokoine’s ideas have been sorely missed by those engaged in the fight against corruption and economic inequality in Tanzania. He was not a hypocrite and was always firm on issues he believed in. Sokoine will be remembered as an outstanding leader.

To a great extent Sokoine succeeded in his operations but died at the time that Tanzanians needed him the most. He will always be remembered by those who appreciated his efforts, fight for equality and justice for all the Tanzanians regardless of their ethnicity or economic well-being. Moreover, he will be remembered more by the poor who saw him as their saviour. Rest in peace Edward Sokoine.

DAILY NEWS TANZANIA:

THINKING CRITICALLY: Nyerere and the spirit of Pan-Africanism

By Dr Azaveli Feza Lwaitama.

Monday 14 October, a week ago, marked officially in Tanzania as Nyerere Day, observed to mark the date day in 1999 when the First President of post-colonial Tanganyika and later Tanzania died in a London hospital. The author of this think piece marked the day by giving a lecture at the Red Cross Hall in Bukoba Municipality on what Tanzania can learn from the life of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere.

The guest of honour at the public lecture was the Regional Commissioner for Kagera, Mr Fabian Massawe, who most Kagera residents fondly call ‘Mulokozi’ (a common Haya name that means meaning “the saviour”).

The lessons that the current generation of leaders, especially the young, could take from the life and times of Mwalimu Nyerere would include the fact he lived in times that were characterised by an atmosphere of post-world war human optimism associated with the triumph of the anti-fascist forces over the evil global designs of Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Germany. Nyerere was at Makerere University in Uganda in the very late 1940s, and at Edinburg University in Great Britain in the early 1950s.

These was the time when the world was witnessing the ascendance to state power in Western Europe and North America of political parties that were mostly social democratic.

This was also the period when, come 1948, the Geneva Declaration of Human Rights was adopted. These were momentous times in world history, which saw the anti-colonial movement and the anti-imperialist socialist forces in particular, in Asia, Africa and Latin America, grow from strength to strength.

It is in this period when communist parties secured a series of earthquake-making victories from China, to Eastern Europe, to Cuba.

Upon Nyerere’s return from further studies in Makerere and Edinburg, he plunged head-on into the then budding anti-colonial nationalist movement in the then Tanganyika,

Initially, he jointed what until then was an ineffective petty bourgeois social welfare club, Tanganyika African Association(Taa), whose members, in 1953 elected him its President.

In 1954 he, together with fellow nationalists, transformed Taa into a full-fledged political party, Tanganyika African National Union ( Tanu). He then used Tanu to popularise the ideology of radical socialist oriented Pan Africanism that was equally championed by Ghanaian first President Kames Nkrumah.

He joined Taa only to transform it from within into Tanu, which he later, in 1977, transformed into CCM. Unlike most politicians we meet these days, especially those from the party he founded of CCM, Mwalimu Nyerere use his speeches to challenge conventional wisdom to which most colonised Africans and the wretched of the world in general subscribed.

He harangued the currently unfairly weak and voiceless to take heart and encouraged them to empower themselves with knowledge and skills to make, once united, of regain Africa’s past glory, even if, initially, all that seemed to be an impossible dream. In speech at Wellesley College, in 1960, he summarised his Pan Africanist nationalism by sketching out the kind of Africa he wished to eventually come to be: “The Africa that we must create must be an Africa which the outside world will look at and say: If you really want to see free people who live up to their ideals of human society, go to Africa. That is the continent of hope for the human race.”

It was then pointed out that if Mwalimu Nyerere was alive today, it is possible that he will be urging Tanzania to join those in the East African region who are advocating for fast tracking the attainment of an East African political federation, as a first step towards continental political unity.

Source: http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/oped/Nyerere-and-the-spirit-of-Pan-Africanism/-/1840568/2043204/-/w6u0xf/-/index.html

Vijana wanavyopaswa kufuata nyayo za Mwalimu Nyerere

NA CHRISTOPHER NGUBIAGAI.

OKTOBA 14 kila mwaka Watanzania huungana kuadhimisha siku ya Baba wa Taifa Hayati Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere ili kutoa fursa kwa watu mbalimbali hasa vijana kujifunza juu ya ujasiri, uadilifu na uzalendo kwa faida ya wote.

Mwalimu Nyerere aliaga dunia Oktoba 14, 1999 baada ya kuugua kwa muda mfupi. Kuanzia wakati huo Watanzania wamekuwa wakitumia siku hiyo kuadhimisha kumbukumbu ya Mwalimu Nyerere ambapo mwaka huu, Taifa linatimiza miaka 14 bila ya kiongozi huyo mashuhuri na mwenye sifa ya kipekee kwa kutetea wanyonge na mpigania haki asiyetetereka wala kuyumbishwa.

Ingawa pengo lililoachwa na Mwalimu Nyerere haliwezi kuzibika, vijana wanapaswa kufuata nyayo za kiongozi huo Muasisi wa Taifa ili kujenga moyo wa ujasiri, uadilifu na uzalendo na kuwa mstari wa mbele kulinda nchi na mipaka yake. Katika milenia hii ya sayansi na teknolojia, vijana wa kike na kiume ni rasilimali kubwa zaidi kwa sasa na siku za baadaye.

Wanatoa msukumo wa kuleta mageuzi ya kijamii na kiuchumi na kisiasa katika eneo lenye mabadiliko ya haraka duniani. Pamoja na mambo mengine, maendeleo ya Taifa lolote yanategemea zaidi makuzi na maandalizi ya vijana kwa ajili ya maisha ya kujitegemea na kuwa chachu ya maendeleo ya kijamii, kiutamaduni, na kiuchumi.

Wataalamu wa masuala ya maendeleo wanasema ili Taifa liweze kuendelea ni muhimu kuwaandaa vijana kuwa viongozi, watoa maamuzi, wajasiriamali, wazazi na walezi wazuri. Matokeo ya sensa ya mwaka 2012 yanathibitisha ongezeko la vijana wa Tanzania na ambapo kwa takwimu zinaonesha vijana walio kati ya miaka 15 na 35 ni zaidi ya milioni 15, hii ni sawa na zaidi ya asilimia 34 ya Watanzania wote.

Ni wazi kuwa ongezeko la vijana linaweza kusababisha mageuzi makubwa katika uwanja wa siasa na chaguzi zijazo ambapo wapiga kura wengi watakuwa wamezaliwa kipindi ambacho Mwalimu Nyerere alikuwa keshaondoka madarakani. Vijana wanapaswa kufundisha na kujifunza uzalendo ikiwa na maana hali ya mtu kuipenda na kuithamini nchi yake na kuweka maslahi ya taifa lake mbele.

Uzalendo ni neno dogo fupi lenye kubeba maana nzito. Ukosefu wa mafunzo juu ya uzalendo unasababisha baadhi ya watu kutokujiamini, kukataa mila na desturi za makabila yao, kukana kabila pia kutamani kuwa mtu wa taifa lingine.

Vijana wanapaswa kuiga mfano wa Mwalimu Nyerere ambaye alipuuza maendeleo ya magharibi na kuzungumzia maendeleo yetu wenyewe ingawa nchi ilikuwa imetapakaa nyumba za tembe ama msonge, watu wakitembea bila mavazi wala viatu na hapakuwa na Watanzania wanaomiliki magari wala chombo cha moto.

Nyerere ambaye alikuwa msomi wa Chuo Kikuu wakati huo alikataa ukoloni mambo leo, na akatangazia taifa kujenga umoja na mshikamano kumng’oa mkoloni ili kuwafanya Waafrika kuwa huru na kujiamulia mambo yao wenyewe bila kuingiliwa wala kugandamizwa na mataifa mengine.

Kumbukumbu ya Mwalimu Nyerere ni muafaka kutafakari na kuweka mikakati ya kuendeleza mazuri yaliyoachwa na kiongozi huyo, aliyewasha taa na ili kila mtu apate kuona kisha akaweka misingi imara ya Taifa. Mwalimu Nyerere alitumia lugha ya Kiswahili kuunganisha Watanzania ili kuondoa kikwazo cha mawasiliano baina ya makabila zaidi ya 130 kwa lengo la kuongeza umoja na mshikamano na kupunguza hali ya kutokuelewana.

Kila kabila lina maadili yake, lakini maadili ya taifa yaliwekwa rasmi na waasisi wa taifa hili wakiongozwa na Baba wa Taifa, Mwalimu Nyerere na kutolewa kwa wananchi kwa mara ya kwanza kama ahadi za TANU na kurithiwa na Watanzania bila kujali itikadi za kisiasa, kabila wala dini.

Ahadi hiyo inasema: binadamu wote ni ndugu zangu na Afrika ni moja, nitaitumikia nchi yangu na watu wake wote, nitajitolea nafsi yangu kuondoa ujinga, umasikini na maradhi, rushwa ni adui wa haki, sitapokea wala kutoa rushwa. Cheo ni dhamana sitakitumikia cheo changu wala cha mtu mwingine kwa faida yangu.

Pia ahadi hiyo inasema nitajielimisha kwa kadiri ya uwezo wangu na kutumia elimu yangu kwa faida ya wote, nitashirikiana na wenzangu wote kuijenga nchi yangu na nitasema kweli daima, fitina kwangu mwiko. Ingawa hivi sasa kuna mfumo wa vyama vingi hakuna ukakika kama kuna chama chochote chenye mapenzi mema na Taifa hili kinachoweza kwenda kinyume na ahadi hiyo.

Hivyo vijana wanapaswa kushikamana na kuendeleza misingi ya maadili mazuri yaliyowekwa na Mwalimu Nyerere bila kujali tofauti za idikadi zao kisiasa wala kidini. Msomi mmoja wa Kigiriki aliwahi kusema katika mwaka 560 BC kuwa mfanyabiashara anafanya vizuri kwa kukubali kupata hasara kuliko kupata faida haramu kwa sababu hasara inaweza kuuma au kwa muda mfupi lakini faida haramu inauma milele.

Kama anavyoainisha Kaduma, katika kitabu chake, maadili ya Taifa na Hatima ya Tanzania, kwa ujumla wake ahadi hizi zinalenga kumuandaa Mtanzania ili awe mtu mwenye upendo, mwaminifu na mtiifu, awe mtumishi bora wa umma, ajielimishe kwa bidii na kisha atumie elimu hiyo ili alete maendeleo kwa taifa zima.

Zinamtaka Mtanzania awe mkweli na muwazi, akatae kutoa wala kupokea rushwa, apambane kwa bidii zake zote na maadui watatu wa taifa hili yaani, Ujinga, Umasikini na Maradhi. Ingawa maadili kama haya ni muhimu kwa taifa lolote lile ni dhahiri ni muhimu zaidi kwa taifa changa kama letu.

Hata hivyo, nchi yetu imepata matatizo kwa sababu baadhi ya Watanzania hatujawa waaminifu katika kutekeleza ahadi hizo muhimu, hivyo hata baadhi ya viongozi wetu wanashindwa kukemea uovu. Ni vijana wangapi leo hapa Tanzania wanaotamani kuwa na mikono misafi watakapoanza kazi kama watumishi wa umma au viongozi kama sehemu ya kumuenzi Mwalimu Nyerere?

Ni wakati muafaka wa kujiuliza na kuweka mikakati sahihi ya kuendeleza Taifa badala ya kujiweka katika ulimwengu wa utandawazi ambao mara zote hutoa matumaini makubwa na kuwafanya vijana kujenga matumaini ya kufikirika kupitia mitandao ya kompyuta. Ingawa utandawazi unawapa matarajio vijana, utandawazi huo hautoi nyenzo sahihi za kuwapatia uwezo na fursa vijana ya kuitimiza ndoto zake.

Vijana wa leo tunapaswa na tunalazimika kufungua macho na bongo zetu tujifunze kwa bidii na kwa haraka sana na hatimaye tuungane kuhuisha misingi imara ya uongozi iliyojengwa na Mwalimu Nyerere. Hilo ni jukumu la msingi la vijana katika kumuenzi Mwalimu Nyerere na kama kizazi chetu kinataka kuepuka laana ya Mwalimu Nyerere.

Mwalimu Nyerere katika kitabu chake, “Uhuru na Ujamaa, 1968”, alisema katika ukurasa wa 33 kama ifuatavyo: “Kila kizazi kina changamoto zake na kila kizazi kinapaswa kutumia fursa walizonazo kujiletea maendeleo na kufanya maisha bora.” Fursa ya kuleta maendeleo kwa maisha ya Mtanzania ni mabadiliko kutoka katika mfumo na sera kwa ajili ya wakati na mazingira yaliyopo.

Baadhi ya changamoto zinazowakabili vijana ni ukosefu wa ajira, rasilimali na nafasi ya kufanya maamuzi. Hata hivyo, baadhi ya vijana hawatambui nafasi wala wajibu wao katika taifa hivyo siku ya Kumbukumbu ya Mwalimu Nyerere inapaswa kutumika kuelimisha vijana hao na jamii nzima umuhimu wa ujenzi wa Taifa.

Tatizo hili la kutokujitambua linaambatana na tatizo kuu la kutojiamini. Kutokujiamini ndio adui mkubwa wa maendeleo ya kijana na Taifa kwa ujumla na limezuia mabadiliko chanya ambayo yangeweza kutokea ili kulijenga taifa letu.

Katika kuenzi fikra za Mwalimu, wakati umefika vijana wote tusimame imara, sisi ndio nguvu kazi ya taifa hili, tujipange vema na hasa kwa wale vijana ambao wana nafasi za uongozi katika nyanja mbalimbali tuweze kuijenga nchi yetu na kutoa mchango mwetu kama vijana wazalendo wa taifa hili.

Mwlimu Nyerere katika kitabu cha Uhuru na Ujamaa, (1968), uk 167 anakemea suala zima la ubinafsi na hasa kwa wakati tuliyo nao. Hii ni changamoto kubwa sana na ina uhusiano wa karibu na ile ya kwanza. Watu wengi tumefikia kudhani kwamba ukipata wewe na familia yako imetosha. Watanzania tumekuwa na roho za kutojaliana, unajifikiria mwenyewe tu.

Yafaa nini kupata mali, kuwa na vitu vya thamani sana na kula vyakula vya gharama, lakini mtanzania mwenzako hawezi hata kujikimu kwa siku. Hayo nayo utayaita ni mafanikio? Hapana, huo ni ubatili na kujilisha upepo! Jaribu kuchukua mfano wa Mtu kama Nelson Mandela, angeweza kupata maisha mazuri sana kama angeamua kutafuta ugali wa familia yake tu.

Kumbuka aliwahi kuambiwa na makaburu aachiwe huru lakini asijihusishe na siasa, akakataa. Akakaa jela miaka 27. Viongozi wa Tanzania kuanzia kizazi cha Mkwawa na Nyerere walilipia sadaka, hawakuogopa kupoteza au familia zao kuteseka, hawakuwa wabinafsi. Bila Mandela kujikana, labda leo Afrika Kusini ingekuwa bado chini ya makaburu.

Vijana lazima tuache ubinafsi, tuiangalie Tanzania, watu wote wa Tanzania, tusijikwamue wenyewe kimaisha tukawasahau wenzetu wasio hata na fursa ya kupata elimu.

Tuna mambo mengi ya kujifunza kutoka kwa Mwalimu Nyerere; lakini kikubwa ni kuthubutu na kupigania mabadiliko chanya ya kweli bila kusita wala kujali maslahi binafsi bali ya watanzania kwa ujumla wa kizazi cha sasa na kizazi kijacho. Mwandishi wa makala haya ni msomaji wa HabariLeo.

Credit to: http://www.habarileo.co.tz/index.php/makala/17527-vijana-wanavyopaswa-kufuata-nyayo-za-mwalimu-nyerere

Maoni ya Nyerere na uhalisia sekta ya elimu leo

Na Fredy Azzah, Mwananchi.

Watu waliopata fursa ya elimu wakati wa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere , mpaka leo wanajivunia  elimu hiyo, hali ambayo ni tofauti kabisa na  ile wanayopata watoto wetu wa leo.

Ni vigumu kumzungumzia Mwalimu Julius Nyerere leo bila kutaja mchango wake kwenye sekta ya elimu nchini.

Inawezekana kuwa, taaluma yake ya ualimu ndiyo iliyomfanya awe na hamu ya kuhakikisha anaisaidia sekta ya elimu wakati wote wa uhai wake.

Juhudi zake za kuhakikisha kuwa kila Mtanzania anapata elimu zilianza hata kabla ya uhuru wa Tanganyika.  Kwa mfano, Desemba 20 mwaka 1956 alipopata fursa ya kuzungumza mbele ya Umoja wa Mataifa (UN), kati ya mambo aliyoyazungumzia ilikuwa ni suala la ubaguzi kwenye kupata fursa ya elimu kati ya watoto wa Kitanzania na wale wa Wakoloni.

“Nchini Tanganyika elimu inatolewa kibaguzi. Watoto wote wa Kizungu na wa Kiasia wanakwenda shule ambapo ni asilimia 40 tu ya watoto wa Kiafrika wanaokwenda shule.” Inaeleza sehemu ya hotuba.

Hotuba hii inaweza kutafsiriwa kuwa moja ya viashiria kuwa Mwalimu Nyerere alijali suala la elimu, kwani baadhi ya watu waliopata fursa za kuzungumza mbele ya baraza hilo kumbukumbu hazionyeshi kama walizungumzia suala la elimu.

Japhet Kirilo ndiye alimtangulia Mwalimu Nyerere kwenda kuzungumza UN, Julai 21 mwaka 1952.

Kirilo alitumwa na Chama cha Raia wa Meru (Meru Citizens Union) kwenda UN kudai ardhi ya Wameru iliyokuwa imeporwa na wakoloni, Waingereza.

Maombi ya Kirilo hayakufanikiwa na mpaka leo, eneo kubwa la Meru bado lina mgogoro mkubwa wa ardhi na kubwa zaidi ikiwa imeshikiliwa na watu waliopewa tangu nyakati hizo za wakoloni.

Vivyo hivyo, hata kwenye sekta ya elimu iliyoanza kupigiwa kelele kabla ya taifa hili kupata uhuru, mpaka leo inakabiliwa na changamoto lukuki.

Hata baada ya uhuru, Mwalimu Nyerere aliendelea kupigania elimu, kwenye hotuba zake mbalimbali alizozitoa hakuwa cha kuzungumzia  bilasuala la elimu.

Akizungumza juu ya Elimu ya Kujitegemea mwaka 1967, Mwalimu Nyerere alisema: “Kwa kweli nchi huru ya Tanzania ilirithi mtindo wa elimu ambayo kwa njia nyingi ilikuwa haitoshi wala haifai kwa haja za nchi hii. Lakini kulikodhihirika mapema zaidi ni kutokuridhisha kwa elimu.

Elimu iliyotolewa ilikuwa  finyu. Mwezi Desemba 1961, watu wenye elimu ya kutosha walikuwa wachache mno wala wasingetosha kuendesha Serikali ya siku zile, ukiachilia mbali kazi zingine kama za mipango ya maendeleo zilizokuwa muhimu zaidi.

 Idadi ya watoto waliokuwa shule  mwaka 1961 haikuwa kubwa ya kutoa matumaini kwamba hali hii ingeweza kurekebishwa haraka.

Zaidi  ya hayo, elimu iligawiwa kwa  mataifa, ambapo msingi wa madai yetu yote ya uhuru ulikuwa ni kulaani kabisa ubaguzi wa rangi.”

Hadi leo ukijaribu kusoma hotuba zake, utabaini  kuwa falsafa yake kwenye suala la elimu, ilijikita zaidi kwenye elimu ya kujitegemea na ile ya watu wazima.

Ama kwa hakika kwa wakati ule, elimu ya kujitegemea iliwasaidia wengi kuwa na mawazo ya kujitegemea wao pamoja na kuliendeleza taifa huku ile ya watu wazima ikiwakomboa mamilioni waliokosa fursa ya elimu wakati wa utawala wa mkoloni.

Wachambuzi wa mambo wanasema kuwa, mawazo ya Mwalimu kuhusu msingi wa elimu kwa watu wazima, yaliendana sambamba na  yale ya wataalamu kama kina Malcom Knowles na J Roby Kidd.

Katika kitabu cha Elimu ya Kujitegemea, Mwalimu Nyerere anasema kati ya makosa matatu yaliyokuwa kwenye elimu ya kikoloni ambayo tuliirithi ni ubaguzi wa rangi katika kutoa elimu.

“Mara tu baada ya uhuru ulianzishwa mpango wa kuunganisha kabisa shule za mataifa yote na ubaguzi kutokana na dini pia ukakomeshwa.

Sasa, mtoto wa Tanzania anaweza kusoma katika shule yoyote ya Serikali, au shule yoyote inayosaidiwa na Serikali katika nchi hii, bila ya kujali rangi au dini yake na bila hofu kwamba gharama ya elimu yake ni kufundishwa dini nyingine,” inaeleza sehemu ya kitabu hicho.

Hata hivyo, wadau wa elimu wanasema kuwa, kwa sasa sifa hii imefutika kutokana na shule za kata ambazo zinawalazimu watoto kusoma shule zilizo kwenye maeneo yao tofauti na zamani ambapo walikuwa wanapangiwa hata nje ya mikoa yao.

Mmoja wa watu waliofanya kazi kwenye sekta ya elimu chini ya Mwalimu Nyerere, Dk Maria Kamm, aliyekuwa Mkuu wa Shule ya Sekondari ya Wasichana ya Weruweru iliyoko Moshi, Kilimanjaro kati ya mwaka 1970 mpaka 1992 anakiri hilo.

Anasema aliweza kuiongoza shule hiyo kwa mafanikio kutokana na sera ya kujitegemea ambayo ilikuwa  ikitekelezwa kwa vitendo chini ya uongozi wa Mwalimu Nyerere.  “Elimu ya kujitegemea ilijenga jeuri yangu, ilifanya nyote mpate elimu sawa, wote mlikuwa sawa, sote tulifanya kazi bila upendeleo,” anaeleza.

Anaongeza: “Kujitegemea siyo siasa ni kawaida ya Mwafrika, bila kuwa na sera na viongozi kufuatilia utekelezaji wake  hatutafika mbali.”

Mwalimu Nyerere pia alichangia ukuaji wa elimu ya juu kwa misingi ya kuwa chachu ya maendeleo na fikra.

Wakati anakifungua Chuo Kikuu Cha Dar es Salaam mwaka 1970 alisema, “Chuo kikuu ni taasisi ya elimu ya juu ambayo kwayo watu wanapata mafunzo ya kupanua wigo wa uelewa wao, fikra huru na sahihi, uchambuzi wa matatizo na kuyatatua kwa kiwango cha juu.”

Katika moja ya hotuba alizotoa mwaka 1981, Mwalimu Nyerere alisema watu waliopata fursa ya elimu wana wajibu wa kurudi na kulipa fadhila kutokana na kile ambacho wengine wamewafanyia.

Alisema watu hao ni sawa na wale waliopewa akiba yote ya chakula ili wapate nguvu na kwenda kutafuta kingi zaidi wawaletee wanakijiji wenzao.

Mwalimu Nyerere alisema kuwa, watu hao wasipotimiza wajibu huo, watahesabika kama wasaliti.

Wakati tukifanya kumbukumbu ya miaka 14 tangu kufariki kwake, hatuna budi kukumbuka maneno yaliyomo kwenye hotuba yake ya mwaka 1967 alipokuwa akizungumzia elimu ya kujitegemea.

Alisema: “Elimu inayotolewa Tanzania, kwa watoto wa Tanzania, haina budi itosheleze haja za Tanzania. Haina budi ipande mawazo ya taifa la kijamaa tunalotaka kulijenga.

Haina budi ikazanie kufunzwa kwa wananchi wanaojivunia uhuru na kujitegemea kwa maendeleo yao wenyewe, na ambao wanafahamu faida na shida za kushirikiana.

 Elimu haina budi ihakikishe kwamba wale waliosoma wanajitambua kwamba ni sehemu ya taifa na kwamba kwa kuwa wamepata nafasi zaidi, basi wajibu wao kwa taifa ni mkubwa zaidi.

Hili si jambo linalohusu masomo na utaratibu wa shule peke yake. Maadili hufunzwa nyumbani, shuleni na vijijini: Maadili hufunzwa na mazingira ya mtoto anamoishi.

Lakini haina maana shule zetu kukazania kufunza maadili na maarifa yaliyokuwa yanafaa zamani au yanayowafaa raia wa nchi zingine na kumbe elimu yenyewe inapendekeza kuendelezwa kwa hali tuliyoirithi ya kuwa na tofauti baina ya raia na raia wengine.

Yafaa watoto wetu waelimishwe kuwa raia wa kesho na watumishi wa wananchi walio sawa, katika taifa tunaloliunda.”

Credit to: http://www.mwananchi.co.tz/Makala/Maoni-ya-Nyerere-na-uhalisia-sekta-ya-elimu-leo/-/1597592/2033104/-/item/0/-/yldt65z/-/index.html

Azimio la Arusha lilikufa na kilimo vijijini

Na Zitto Kabwe.

“Tusipoangalia tutakuja gundua kuwa wakaaji wa mijini nao ni wanyonyaji wa wakulima,” hili ni moja ya maonyo yaliyotolewa na Azimio la Arusha. Tunapomkumbuka Mwalimu Julius Nyerere hili ni jambo linalorejea sana kichwani mwangu.

Azimio la Arusha lilisisitiza sana tusisahau nafasi ya kilimo katika maelendeleo ya watu. Azimio lilitahadharisha kwamba mikopo mingi inayochukuliwa italipwa na wakulima kupitia mazao tunayouza nje ili kupata fedha za kigeni. Mara kadhaa Azimio lilisema ‘tusisahau jambo hili’ kwa maana ya nafasi ya kilimo. 

Tunapofanya kumbukizi la Mwalimu Nyerere nipo kwenye ziara ya chama changu cha siasa mkoani Tabora, Katavi na Kigoma. Ninazunguka kwenye vijiji vingi kuzungumza na wananchi kuhusu mabadiliko ya kisiasa na (mabadiliko ya kiuchumi?), umuhimu wa demokrasia ya vyama vingi. Pia kuzungumza na wananchi kuhusu Katiba Mpya ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Katika ziara hii jambo la dhahiri kabisa linaonekana ni kwamba licha ya uduni wa maendeleo ya nchi kiujumla, bado vijijini wananchi wanaishi katika hali duni zaidi kuliko watu wa mijini.

Huduma za kijamii ni za hovyo na hazilingani kabisa na umri wa Taifa letu tangu tupate uhuru. Kuna baadhi ya vijiji wananchi bado wanakunywa maji kwa kuchangia na mifugo yao.

Vijiji nilivyopiga vinalima mazao kama mahindi, mpunga na tumbaku. Ukilinganisha uzalishaji wao na hali zao unaona kabisa kuna jambo linahitaji maelezo.

Tumbaku ni zao la kwanza kuingia fedha za kigeni nchini katika kinachoitwa mazao asili. Mwaka 2012 tumbaku iliingiza dola za Marekani 350 milioni ikifuatiwa na kahawa. Hivyo ungetarajia kuona maisha ya wananchi hawa wanaolima tumbaku yangekuwa na ahueni. La hasha! 

Unyonyaji dhidi ya wakulima ni mkubwa na unatisha. Mfumo wa biashara ya tumbaku umejengwa katika misingi kwamba mkulima atatumia nguvukazi yake kwa faida ya mabwanyenye kwenye vyama vya ushirika na Serikali. Pia kwa faida ya wafanyabiashara na taasisi za fedha.

Mkulima wa tumbaku anakopeswa pembejeo kwa bei kubwa ambayo sio halali. Anapouza anakatwa makato mengi hata kwa mambo ambayo hajatumia.

Mfumo mzima ni wa kinyonyaji. Hakuna mtu anayemsemea mkulima. Bado vyama vya ushirika vinashikwa na wanasiasa ambao nao wanafaidika na mfumo huo wa kinyonyaji. Nguvu wa mkulima ni ndogo na mkulima anakuwa kwenye mnyororo wa umasikini wa kutupwa. 

Mwalimu Nyerere alitahadharisha jambo hili katika Azimio la Arusha. Tumelisahau jambo hili.

Tunapofanya kumbukizi za Mwalimu turejee Azimio na nafasi ya kilimo katika maendeleo ya nchi. Sio kilimo cha wakulima wakubwa kinachopigiwa debe hivi sasa, bali kilimo cha wananchi walio wengi na wanaoishi vijijini. Tusisahau jambo hili.

Credit to: http://www.mwananchi.co.tz/uchambuzi/Azimio-la-Arusha-lilikufa-na-kilimo-vijijini/-/1597604/2031514/-/lols78z/-/index.html

Kwa nini Tanzania ni masikini?

Na Elias Msuya.

LEO nimelazimika kuendeleza mjadala niliouanzisha wiki iliyopita ukiwa na kichwa ‘Porojo za Membe na umasikini wa Tanzania’.

Ulikuwa ni mjadala unaohusu kauli za Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje na Ushirikiano wa Kimataif,a Bernard Membe alizozitoa wakati wa kufunga kongamano la uhuru lililofanyika katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam hivi karibuni.

Leo nitaeleza kwa ufupi tu kwa nini Tanzania ni masikini kwa miaka yote 51 ya uhuru na kutoa mapendekezo ya kujikwamua, tofauti na Waziri Membe alisema ni ndoto ya mchana kuzungumzia maendeleo kwa miaka 51 tu.

Tuanze kwa kuangalia historia ya utawala wa nchi yetu tangu wakati wa Mwalimu Nyerere aliyekuwa Waziri mkuu wa kwanza na baadaye rais.

Baada ya kuingia madarakani Mwalimu Nyerere alifanya mabadiliko makubwa ikiwa ni pamoja na mfumo wa utawala kutoka ule wa kifalme (Westminster) na kuunda Jamhuri na yeye akawa Rais.  Lengo lilikuwa ni kuwa na mamlaka yote ya kuiongoza nchi.

Aliendelea kufanya mabadiliko kiasi hata cha kuiminya demokrasia hasa pale alipoziua asasi za kiraia na baadaye kufuta mfumo wa vyama vingi mwaka 1965.

Mwaka 1967 Mwalimu Nyerere alianzisha Azimio la Arusha lililosimika sera ya Ujamaa na Kujitegemea. Kupitia azimio hilo Serikali ilitaifisha rasilimali za uchumi na huduma za jamii zilizokuwa mikononi mwa watu binafsi na makampuni.

Pamoja na mambo mengine, Mwalimu Nyerere alipoteza muda mwingi katika ukombozi wa Bara la Afrika miaka ya 1960 na 70 wakati nchi yetu ikiwa kwenye nchi zilizo mstari wa mbele katika mapambano ya kuikomboa Afrika.

Haikuwa vibaya lakini hiyo ni sababu ya kurudi nyuma kiuchumi. Kama hiyo haitoshi, hata ile vita ya Uganda mwaka 1978/ 79 nayo iligharimu maendeleo ya uchumi.

Sababu nyingine iliyokwamisha maendeleo ilikuwa ni maadui wa sera ya ujamaa na kujitegemea. Kulikuwa na maadui wa aina mbili, kwanza ni mataifa ya kibepari na vyombo vya fedha vya kimataifa yaani IMF na WB ambavyo vilipigana kufa na kupona kutia mikono yake kwenye Serikali.

Maadui wengine walikuwa wa ndani, yaani wasaidizi wa  Nyerere. Alikuwa amezungukwa na wanafiki ambao walimkubalia tu machoni lakini myoyoni hawakuwa naye kabisa. (Soma kitabu cha Maadili na hatima ya Tanzania: Ibrahim Kaduma).

Ndiyo hao waliokutana Zanzibar mwaka 1991 na kuliua Azimio la Arusha kwa kulegeza masharti yake.

Baada ya Mwalimu Nyerere, viongozi waliofuatia walibadilisha kabisa sera ya ujamaa. Hadi leo Tanzania haijulikani, inafuata itikadi gani, ujamaa na kujitegemea au ubepari?

Ndiyo tukaona zama za mzee ruksa yaani Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi ambaye alijitahidi kuondoa ukiritimba wa upatikanaji wa bidhaa na huduma za jamii. Japo ruksa zake hizo ziliingiza wema na wabaya serikalini.

Utalawa wa Benjamin Mkapa utakumbukwa kwa kuimarisha ukusanyaji wa kodi na kuimarisha mapato ya Serikali.

Lakini pia utakumbukwa kama utawala uliokithiri kwa kashfa za ufisadi kama vile wizi wa fedha katika Benki Kuu (EPA), viongozi kujimilikisha ardhi za vijiji, huku mwenyewe Mkapa na Waziri wake wakidaiwa kujimilikisha mgodi wa makaa ya mawe wa Kiwira  mkoani Mbeya.

Ni katika utawala huo ndipo sera za ubinafsishaji na uwekezaji zilishika kasi. Hapo ndipo kukawa na uwekezaji mkubwa katika sekta ya madini, viwanda na mawasiliano.

Utawala wa sasa wa Rais Jakaya Kikwete umerithi mambo mengi ya Mkapa bila kufanya mabadiliko makubwa.

Jambo kubwa linalojidhihirisha katika tawala hizi tatu ni kukithiri kwa ukosefu wa maadili hasa kwa viongozi wa umma. Viongozi wengi wamejitajirisha kupitia nafasi zao huku idadi kubwa ya Watanzania ikiendelea kuwa masikini.

Pamoja na mikakati mingi ya maendeleo, bado umasikini umeendelea kutawala. Mikakati hiyo inashidikana kutokana na viongozi wa Serikali kutokuwa waaminifu.

Kibaya zaidi hakuna anayekiuka maadili na kuchukuliwa hatua. Hii ndiyo sababu kubwa ya umasikini wa Tanzania.

Suluhisho ni kubadilisha mfumo mzima wa Serikali na kuweka kizazi kitakachochukia rushwa, wizi, uzembe na matumizi mabaya ya madaraka yaliyokithiri Serikalini.

CCM imejaribu mara kadhaa imeshindwa, hata mkakati wa kujivua gamba umeshindikana kabisa. Tunahitaji chama makini kitakachotuvusha hapa tulipo.

Credit to: http://www.mwananchi.co.tz/kolamu/dira/-/1614700/1647596/-/5hyso0z/-/index.html

Azimio la Arusha liliishia Chumbe, leo hali ikoje?

Na Juma Mohammed, China.

   

MALUMBANO yanayoendelea kuhusu Katiba mpya hayaoneshi kuwa tunaweza kufikia na kupata Katiba bora inayotokana na matakwa ya wananchi wenyewe. Nasema hivi kwa sababu hata Mwenyekiti wa Tume ya Mabadiliko ya Katiba, Jaji Joseph Warioba, tayari ameonesha wasiwasi na kutoa angalizo kutochezewa kwa maoni ya wananchi waliyotoa kuhusu aina ya Katiba wanayoitaka.

Haieleweki ni kwa mazingira gani hadi tumefikia hatua iliyotuingiza kwenye malumbano yasiyo na tija kwa umma, lakini kwa upande wa pili malumbano hayo ni dalili ya watu kutoridhika jinsi mambo yanavyofanyika au yanavyoendelea.

Sina sababu ya kurejea hali iliyosababisha kupitishwa kwa Muswada wa Sheria ya Marekebisho ya Mabadiliko ya Katiba, 2013 bungeni, wengi tunafahamu kilichotokea.

Jambo moja linalonishangaza ni kwamba Muungano huu ni wa nchi mbili; Zanzibar na Tanganyika, zilizounda Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, inakuwaje Zanzibar ionekane kama mgeni mwalikwa?

Tumesikia mambo yalivyokuwa wakati wa mchakato wa kutafuta maoni kuhusu mswada huo ulivyolalamikiwa Wazanzibari!

Zanzibar ikiwa mshirika sawa katika Muungano, wananchi wake walikuwa na haki ya kutoa mawazo yao katika suala hilo kwani wao ndio wenye maamuzi ya mwisho kuhusu nchi yao na si vyenginevyo.

Yetu sie macho, lakini hatuna budi kueleza kwamba chini ya mfumo uliopo wa Muungano, itakuwa vigumu sana kuiona Zanzibar ikijitanua katika uwanja wa kimataifa.

Inafahamika na kila mtu kwamba kazi ya kukuza uchumi kwa Zanzibar chini ya Muungano wa sasa ni ngumu kama ilivyo vigumu kukuna nazi na mbuzi isiyo na meno!

Katika miaka 49 ya Mapinduzi, maendeleo ya Zanzibar kiuchumi yamekuwa ni ya kusuasua huku mwendokasi wa uchumi ukiwa sawa na wa chura, wa kurukaruka hapa na pale; sijui tutafika lini kwenye kilele cha maendeleo endelevu na kutimiza malengo ya MDG.

Tatizo la ajira kwa vijana, uhaba wa vyuo vikuu ambavyo vingeweza kuandaa vijana katika soko la ajira la ndani na lile la kimataifa, Serikali ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar ina miliki Chuo Kikuu kimoja tu katika miongo minne ya kujitawala; Chuo Kikuu cha Taifa cha Zanzibar (SUZA).

Hospitali ya Mnazi Mmoja haijafikia vigezo vya kuitwa Hospitali ya Rufaa, hadi sasa hadhi yake ni sawa na Hospitali Kuu; hakuna Hospitali ya Mkoa au teule kama Tumbi, Kibaha; Zanzibar kuna hospitali za ngazi ya vijiji kama Kivunge mkoa wa Kaskazini Unguja na Makunduchi, Kusini Unguja.

Pemba kuna hospitali ambazo sina hakika kama ni za mkoa au wilaya; Abdallah Mzee ipo Kusini Pemba na Wete ya Kaskazini Pemba. 

Serikali yoyote duniani inawajibu wa kuwapa wananchi wake huduma muhimu kama afya, elimu, makaazi, usafiri na pia kuwasaidia kupata ajira hasa vijana. SMZ ina mzigo mzito katika kufanikisha haya chini ya muundo uliopo wa Muungano.

Tunaweza kukumbuka kwamba nchi zilizokuwa zikitawaliwa zilianzisha mapambano, awamu kwa awamu, ili kujikomboa kuondokana na madhila ya ukoloni ziwe huru kujiamulia mambo yake zitakavyo kulingana na matakwa ya wananchi wake.

Wazanzibari, kama ilivyokuwa kwa wananchi wa nchi nyingine, hususan za dunia ya tatu, walipigania uhuru. Hatimaye uhuru ukapatikana Desemba 1963 pale bendera ya Kiingereza iliposhushwa na kupandishwa ya Zanzibar huru. 

Hata hivyo, wananchi wengi wa Zanzibar hususan wanachama wa Afro Shiraz Party hawakupenda kitendo cha mkoloni mmoja kuondoka kisha kumpatia uhuru huo mkoloni mwingine, Sultan.

Tunaelewa kwamba Sultan hakuwa miongoni mwa wakoloni waliokutana Berlin, Ujerumani, mwaka 1884-1885 katika mkutano maarufu wa kinyang'anyiro cha mgawanyo wa Bara la Afrika ambapo Wazungu waligawana ardhi ya Afrika kama yao, tena kwenye meza wakichora ramani wanayoitaka. Wazanzibari hawakuridhia hali hiyo. 

Kimsingi ASP na Wazanzibari kwa ujumla wao waliamini kuwa kuendelea kwa Sultan kubaki kama mkuu wa nchi ilikuwa ni kuendeleza ukoloni kwa mlango wa nyuma na wakatafsiri kuwa hicho ni 'kiwingu' cha aina fulani juu ya uhuru walioupata mwaka 1963. 

Hivyo, ASP kikawaongoza wazalendo wa kike kwa kiume usiku wa kuamkia Januari 12, 1964, wakaingia bomani na kufanikiwa kukiondosha kiwingu hicho na Zanzibar huru ikazaliwa na bendera mpya ya Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar ikaanza kupepea kila kona.

Kila pembe salamu zilikuwa “uhuru na bwana Abeid” wengi walifurahia kuona Zanzibar imekuwa Jamhuri na kutangazwa jina jipya la Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar.

Baadhi yenu mnaweza kuuliza, kwanini wananchi wa Zanzibar waliamua kufanya Mapinduzi? Jawabu ni jepesi sana kwani walitamani na waliamua kuwa huru, kuwa na uhuru wa kujiamulia mambo wenyewe bila kuingiliwa na yeyote asiye Mzanzibari au asiyetetea maslahi ya Zanzibar. 

Waasisi wale wa Mapinduzi, jemedari Abeid Amani Karume, Ramadhan Haji Faki, Sheikh Thabit Kombo Jecha, Brigedia Yussuf Himid, Kanali Seif Bakar, Khamis Darwesh na wengineo, waliamua na walipanga kuiendesha nchi yao katika namna wanayoona inawafaa.

Na zaidi kuona kwamba hawaingili uhuru wa nchi nyingine kama ambavyo wao wasivyopenda wasiingiliwe na mwengine katika kuendesha mambo ya nchi yao kwa manufaa ya watu wake.

Hiyo ndio sababu ya kipekee wananchi chini ya ASP kuamua kuufukuza utawala wa kikoloni wa Sultan na aila yake.

Miaka 49 sasa tangu Mapinduzi matukufu kuelekea miaka 50 hapo mwakani, suala la kuuliza dhamira ya Mapinduzi yale imefikiwa na yale yalokusudia kuipa Zanzibar uhuru wa kweli na kile 'kiwingu' juu ya uhuru wao kimeondoka au kimezidi kutanda katika anga la nchi yao na hivyo kufanya kiza kinene kutanda?

Je, Zanzibar kama nchi inaweza kujiunga na mashirika makubwa kama OIC, FAO, FIFA na mengineyo? Ni dhahiri kuwa kwa muundo wa sasa wa Muungano, Zanzibar haina ubavu wa kuingia mikataba ya kimataifa bila kuomba kibali cha Serikali ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.

Mwaka jana Waziri (mwandamizi) wa Nchi Ofisi ya Rais na Mwenyekiti wa Baraza la Mapinduzi, Dk. Mwinyihaji Makame Mwadini alisema katika mkutano mmoja kuwa Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje na Ushirikiano wa Kimataifa, Bernard Membe alisaini mkataba wa Zanzibar licha ya kutohusika nao wakati Waziri Mwinyihaji ndiye aliyepaswa kufanya hivyo!

Sipati picha kama Rais wa Kwanza wa Zanzibar huru na Makamu wa Kwanza wa Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, marehemu Karume angekuwa hai na mambo yanavyokwenda katika Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar. Sina hakika kama angesemaje pale Dk. Salmin Amour Juma alipotakiwa kuiondoa Zanzibar uanachama wa OIC.

Pia sipati picha kama Karume angekuwepo na kauli hizi za "msitikise kiberiti" au Zanzibar kutokuwa hata mwanachama wa FIFA wakati suala la michezo na burudani si la Muungano. 

Zanzibar ina chama chake cha soka na Bara inacho cha kwake; vipi TFF inapata uhalali wa kuwa memba wa FIFA huku ZFA ikikosa?

Waliokula chumvi nyingi bado wanakumbuka namna Wazanzibari wengi walipoonesha hofu ya nchi yao kutaka kumezwa kwa visingizio vya 'Sera za Chama kushika hatamu' na Azimio la Arusha, Rais wa Zanzibar kwa wakati huo, Abeid Karume, aliwaondoa hofu Wazanzibari kwamba wasiwe na wasiwasi kwani Azimio la Arusha lingeishia Chumbe.

Miaka 46 baada ya Azimio la Arusha na kauli ya Karume na namna tunapoitazama hali ya mambo katika mfumo wa muundo wa Muungano wetu ni kweli mambo ya kuingilia uhuru wa Wazanzibari yameishia Kisiwa cha Chumbe kama alivyoahidi Marehemu Karume?

Ni kitendawili ambacho kinaweza kuanguliwa katika mfumo mpya unaopendekezwa na wengi wa Serikali tatu ambao utaifufua Tanganyika ili Zanzibar iweze kumuona mshirika mwenzake badala ya kivuli.

RAI: http://www.rai.co.tz/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=513:azimio-la-arusha-liliishia-chumbe-leo-hali-ikoje&catid=5:siasa&Itemid=35

Aleyevunja azimio la Arusha alimusaliti baba wa Taifa Mwl. JK. Nyerere

Na Fita Lutonja.

ILIKUWA mwaka 1992 kipindi cha rais Ally Hassan Mwinyi ambapo watu wachache bila hata kumshirikisha Muasisi wa Taifa hayati Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere walikutana Zanzibar wakiwa na lengo la kuvunja mwongozi alioweka Mwalimu wa Azimio la Arusha.

Mwaka huo ulikuwa ni mwaka wa mapinduzi makubwa yaliyofanya na watu hao yakuondoa mfumo wa utawala wa Azimio la Arusha ambao ulikuwa unakataza dhuluma kwa kila mtu na kusisitiza kufanya kazi kwa bidii ili kuweza kulikomboa taifa kutoka katika umasikini.

Hatukujua mfumo wenye asili ya kibepari waliutoa wapi? Na ulikuwana faida gani kwetu? Kwa sababu hawakutueleza faida za Mfumo huo kwa taifa letu na watanzania kwa ujumla.

Walidai kuwa wanaanzisha Azimio la Zanzimbar ambapo lengo lake hatukulijua lilikuwa ni nini? Au ilikuwa ni kuruhusu aina ya ufisadi ndani ya serikali hatukujua? au hilo Azimio la Zanzíbar lilikuwa na maana gani mpaka likasababisha mfumo wa baba wa taifa wa Azimio la Arusha kuonekana halifai? Jama hizo za kulivunja Azimio la Arusha mpaka leo watanzania hatujui zilikuwa na lengo gani?

Kama kweli walivunja Azimio la Arusha kwa lengo zuri mbona hawakutueleza faida za Azimio hilo la Zanzibar, kama alivyotueleza mwalimu faida za Azimio la Arusha?

Mwalimu alielezea faida za Azimio la Arusha kwa njia mbalimbali ikiwemo kupitia vyombo vya habari, vipeperushi, pia aliandika vitabu mbalimbali zinazoelezea faida za Azimio la Arusha lakini nyinyi na Azimio lenu la Zanzimbar hatujaona hata kitabu kimoja kinachoelezea faida za Azimio la Zanzimbar?

Tunakumbua ilikuwa mwaka 1967 ambapo Mwalimu alibaini dhuluma, matumizi mabaya ya madaraka , unyonyaji na ubinafsi wa viongozi ndani ya serikali yake, jambo ambalo aliona litaipeleka nchi katika hali mbaya kiuchumi na kuleta matabaka ya kiunyonyaji.

Mwalimu kwa kuona nchi itakuja kuwa mfalme wa unyonyaji aliamua kuanzisha mfumo mpya wa utawala wa Azimio la Arusha ambalo lilifanikiwa kukomesha fisikoko, unyonyaji na waliozoea kudhulu jasho la wananchi na kunufaisha matumbo yao pia nao walikomeshwa.

Fisikoko na kupe wanyonya jasho la wezao walikuwa wamezoea kudhulumu kutoka katika jasho la wanyonge walikomeshwa kwelikweli.

Mwalimu kwa kuhakikisha dhuluma, unyonyaji, wizi, matumizi ya madaraka vibaya na ukwapuaji wa pesa ovyo unathibitiwa aliamua kuazisha utawala bora wa Azimio jambo ambalo lilileta haki na usawa wa kumiliki mali ya umma.

Watanzania tuliposikia Azimio la Arusha limetangazwa huku likiwa na misingi ya utawala bora wa kuthibiti unyonyaji na dhuluma tulishangilia kwa fifijo na nderemo tukijua sasa saa ya ukombozi kwa taifa imefika.

Furaha yetu kweli ilileta matunda mema kwa taifa na wananchi kwa sababu Azimio la Arusha lilihakikisha kila mtumishi wa serikali anatumia madaraka yake vizuri huku akifanya kazi kwa bidii na kufuata maadili ya uongozi ili kujenga uchumi wa nchi.

Viongozi wote ndani ya utawala wa Azimio la Arusha hawakuruhusiwa kuiba mali ya umma na kujiongezea mapato yao, bali walitakiwa kutumia mishahara yao katika kuendesha maisha.

Lakini nyinyi muliona mafanikio haya yaliyoletwa na Mwalimu kwa kupitia Azimio la Arusha hayafai, kama hayafai kwanini munahubili utawala bora wa Mwalimu? Huwa munamaanisha nini mnaposema tumuenzi baba wa Taifa huku mkipingana naye kwa kuvunja misingi ya utawala bora wa Azimio la Arusha?

Azimio lilihakikisha mali ya umma inalindwa kwa ajili ya watanzania na iwapo kama kiongozi atatumia mali ya umma vibaya alihesabiwa kuwa amehujumu uchumi wa nchi na hukumu yake ilikuwa kali mno ili kutoa fundisho kwa kiongozi wengine kutotenda makosa ya aina hiyo.

Mwalimu alikuwa mkali sana akiona kiongozi yeyote amehujumu mali ya umma jambo ambalo linajithihilisha pale serikali yake kwa kuzingatia misingi ya maadili kwa kiongozi wa umma iliamua kumhukumu waziri mmoja wa sheria kwenda jera miezi 12 na kuchapya viboko 24 hadharani.

Tukiangalia katika utekelezaji wa maendeleo tuliona Azimio la Arusha lilianzisha siasa ya ujamaa na kujitegemea ili kuhakikisha taifa linajikomboa kutoka katika umasikini.

Katika mfumo wa ujamaa tunaona ujamaa wa Mwalimu ulisisitiza kufanya kazi kwa bidii na nguvu zote bila kutegeana ili kuongeza uzalishaji na kupelekea kuinua pato la taifa.

Ujamaa ulikataa dhuluma na matumizi mabaya ya pato la wajamaa huku ukisisitiza kuwa kila pato linamilikiwa na wajamaa wote na hakuna ubaguzi wowote.

Lakini sasa hivi dhuluma, utumiaji wa madaraka vibaya, unyonyaji, ubaguzi, mikataba mibovu ya Richmond, uchotaji wa pesa za malipo ya nje (EPA) umezidi na kupelekea watanzania kuhujumiwa mali yao hadhalani jambo ambalo Mwalimu alikuwa akilipinga sana ndani ya utawala wake wa Azimio la Arusha.

Vilevile ndani ya Azimio la Arusha, Ujamaa ulikuwa na misingi ya kutoa huduma kwa jamii bure, ikiwemo huduma ya elimu, jambo ambalo lilipelekea kupata wasomi wengi tofauti na tulivyoacha na wakoloni ambao waliicha Tanzania ikiwa na wasomi wenye taaluma wachache.

Katika utekelezaji wa jambo hili unadhihilisha kuwa Mwalimu hakupenda kabisa dhuluma zitokee hata kwenye sekta ya elimu kwani kumlipisha mtu aliona itajenga matabaka kwa wasomi wenye pesa, na masikini wasikuwa na elimu.

Na katika siasa ya kujitegemea Mwalimu alisisitiza kufanya kazi kwa bidii bila kutegemea misaada kutoka katika mataifa mengine kwa sababu alijua kuwa sisi ni matajiri wa rasilimari nyingi ambazo tukizitumia tunaweza kujikomboa kiuchumi.

Hakika Azimio lilifanikiwa kukomesha hali ya dhuluma, unyonyaji, ukupe, fisikoko, wezi wa mali ya umma, ukiritimba, ubeberu wa kujimilikisha mali ovyo kisa umebeba madaraka, yote haya ndani ya utawala wa Mwalimu yalikomeshwa.

Lakini sasa watanzania tunadhulumiwa haki yetu kabisa tunashuhudia viongozi wanatumia madaraka vibaya na kujimilikisha mali ya umma huku wakidai kuwa ujasiliamali? Tuelezeni kama mlivunja Azimio la Arusha ili muwe wajasiriamali?

Hii kweli inaingia akilini kuwa ujasiliamali unaufanyia kwenye sehemu ya uongozi? Mbona Mwalimu wakati akiwa kiongozi hakufanya huo ujasriamali? Kwa sababu alikuwa anaheshimu utawala bora wa Azimio la Arusha ambao nyinyi muliona haufai.

Haki yetu mbona munachukua bira kutuhurumia sisi watanzania masikini? Munahubiri maisha bora kwa kila mtanzania, tutapataje maisha bora wakati misingi ya kulinda mali ya umma mumeivunja iliyokuwa inatekelezwa na Azimio la Arusha?

Tunajua kuwa Azimio la Arusha lilileta usawa na kuondoa matabaka ya matajili na masikini. Lakini sasa hivi tunashudia matabaka ya walionacho na wasionacho yameongezeka huku hao matajiri wakitudhulumu nguvu kazi zetu kwa kututumikisha na kutulipa ujira finyu jambo ambalo Mwalimu alikuwa analipinga sana.

Mumevunja Azimio la Arusha ambalo lilikuwa na misingi ya maadili kwa kiongozi wa umma kutojimilikisha na kutumia madaraka vibaya kujinufaisha mwenyewe lakini sasa hivi watanzania tunashuhudia kila kiongozi aliyoko madarakani anamiliki mali nyingi, kila kiongozi aliyestafu tunaona ndio wale wanaomiliki makampuni, taasisi pamoja na vitega uchumi vingi.

Hizo mali mumezipataje? Kama sio kuthulumu mali ya watanzania wezenu? Kama kweli mumepata kwa uhali mbona munalindana zikitolewa hoja za kuchunguzwa?

Wakina Wilbroad Slaa wakipendekeza muchunguzwe ili kubaini mulikozipata hizo mali, munaanza kujikingia kifua na kujilinda wenyewe ili msifichunguzwe. Hakika tunawaambia kuwa Mwalimu alipoanzisha Azimio la Arusha hakutaka kabisa mambo mnayoyafanya yafanyike ndani ya nchi hii ya Tanzania.

Hakika kama Mwalimu angerudi angeshaanga kuona Tanzania aliyoiacha imebadilika, wawekezaji, mabepari, mabeberu wakiritimba na viongozi ndiyo wamekuwa wamiliki wa rasilimali za watanzania, pia angeshaagaa kuona mikataba mibovu kama ya Richmond inayosababisha kupotea kwa fedha za walipa kodi, ikisainiwa na viongozi wa Tanzania ya sasa.

Angesikitika kuona pesa ya malipo ya nje (EPA) inachotwa na viongozi huku wakishirikiana na wafanyabiashara maarufu wakati watanzania wanalala njaa.

Angeshaangaa sana, kuona viongozi wanatumia ofisi za umma kama ngao ya kufanyabiashara huku wakijiita wajasiriamali, jambo ambalo Azimio lake lilikuwa linakataza.

Angewasikitikia watanzania kwa kuzongwa na umasikini unaosababishwa na kuvunjwa kwa Azimio la Arusha na utawala bora.

Pia angeamua kungana na watanzania wote wanaodhulumiwa jasho lao kuamua kuikomboa upya Tanzania ili kulisimika tena Azimio la Arusha litokomeze dhuluma, unyonyaji, ubeberu, ubepari, ufisadi, ukupe na wizi wa pesa za umma.

Watanzania tungeshangilia kuiona tena saa ya ukombozi imefika kwani tumeteseka sana, tumeonewa sana, tumedhulumiwa sana, na tunatamani sana kujikomboa.

Credit to: http://fitalutonja.blogspot.com/2008_12_27_archive.html

Azimio la Arusha: CCM ondoeni matanga

Na M. M. Mwanakijiji.

NINAZO habari nzuri na habari mbaya. Habari nzuri ni kuwa hatimaye sasa tunajua kuwa waliozika Azimio la Arusha wamegundua kwamba walifanya makosa. Habari mbaya ni kuwa chama kilichosimamia maziko ya Azimio hilo hakiwezi kamwe kulirudisha.

Ni kwa sababu Azimio bado halijafa. Waliolizika wamesahau kulivalisha sanda, na wamelifukia bila kuliswalia! Hata jaribio la miaka 20 la kutaka wananchi walisahau limeshindwa. Ndugu zangu, Azimio la Arusha bado liko hai, ondoeni msiba na anueni matanga!

Ni kwa sababu, waliolizika azimio wamesahau jambo moja muhimu sana, kwamba mawazo au fikra haviwezi kufa. Wala falsafa haiwezi kufutwa kwenye kikao hata kama kikao hicho kimefanyika mbinguni. Fikra bora hupita kizazi kimoja kwenda kingine na kama pumzi ya uhai kupitishwa toka kwa wazazi kwenda kwa mwana katika utaratibu ambao ni mbinguni tu wanaweza kuubuni.

Kwa vijana wengi na hata wazee ambao wamelisikia Azimio na kulisoma, wameshindwa kuelewa utajiri uliofichika ndani ya Azimio hili. Leo hii tukilitaja Azimio hili wapo ambao kijasho kinawatoka.

Ukiwauliza watu wengi, Azimio lilihusu nini, watakimbilia kusema “utaifishaji.”Lilifanya nini wengi watakimbilia kusema, “lilisababisha operesheni vijiji vya ujamaa.” Wengine watakwambia haraka kuwa “hilo halina nafasi yoyote katika Tanzania ya leo.”

Lakini ukiwauliza kama wamebahatika kulisoma, hakika utashangaa.

Rais mstaafu Ali Hassani Mwinyi ametoa maelezo mazuri kuelezea kwa nini Azimio la Arusha limekuja na kile kilichotokea Zanzibar ambacho baadaye kimekuja kujulikana kama Azimio la Zanzibar.

Amesema, “…Tanganyika ilipopata uhuru na tukaanza kujitawala, ishara potofu zilianza kuchomoza. Baadhi ya viongozi walianza kuutumia uongozi wao kama mradi wa kujineemesha. Kwa kutumia nyadhifa zao, walikopa fedha benki na kuanza kujijengea mashamba - si ya miti - bali ya majumba; si nyumba za kuishi tu bali majumba mengi ya kupangisha.

“Tabia hiyo ilizusha manung’uniko. Jamii ilianza kugawanyika makundi mawili; manaizi na makabwela. Kitendo hicho ndio chimbuko la kutangazwa kwa Azimio la Arusha. Azimio lilikuja kutoa mwongozo wa maadili ya wanachama na viongozi wa TANU. Kwa hivyo, nia ya Azimio la Arusha, miongoni mwa mambo mengine, ilikuwa ni kuwazuia viongozi kutumia uongozi wao kujitajirisha. Hilo ndilo lililokuwa tatizo la hatari miongoni mwa matatizo ya wakati ule. Azimio lilikuja kuokoa jahazi – kukemea tabia potofu.”

Tunaona kuwa azimio lilikuja “kuokoa jahazi” na sababu ni kuwa kulikuwa na manung'uniko kati ya wananchi na viongozi waliokuwa wakitumia madaraka yao vibaya.

Je, hali ya leo siyo ile ile iliyokuwepo wakati Azimio linatangazwa? Si kweli kwamba hivi sasa, wananchi wana manung'uniko mengi kwa viongozi wao kuhusu mali zao na jinsi wanavyotumia nafasi za umma kujitajirisha?

Je, si kweli kwamba hata mtoto wa rais Mwinyi alijipatia kiwanja – kilichokuwa kimetaifishwa wakati wa Azimio la Arusha na kisha yeye kujenga jumba la kupangisha wakati ni kiongozi wa umma?

Azimio lilikuja na lengo kubwa zaidi. Ilikuwa ni ramani ya taifa ambayo tulitaka tuifuate. Ni mchoro wa jengo tunaloliita taifa. Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere alilieleza hili katika hotuba yake ya 5 Agosti 1967 aliyoitoa katika Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam mara baada ya Azimio kutangazwa.

Alisema, “…Azimio la Arusha linaweka shabaha ya mendeleo. Tanzania haikuwa nchi ya Ujamaa ghafla siku ile ile ya tarehe tano Februari, au siku yoyote tokea hapo; wala kwa sababu hiyo tu Tanzania haijawa nchi yenye kujitegemea, au nchi iliyoendelea.”

Kwamba Azimio lisingeweza kufanya mambo hayo siku hiyo hiyo; wala isingewezekana, hata kama watu wangekuwa na ari, au nguvu kiasi gani, kutimiza shabaha hizo katika miezi michache tangu Azimio lipitishwe. 

Mwalimu Nyerere alifika mbali zaidi. Alisema, “Mtu anayejidai kulitumia Azimio ili limpe haki ya kuwasakama watu wa rangi fulani, au anayelitafsiri Azimio kama linashambulia watu wa rangi fulani, anadhihirisha upumbavu wake, na pia anavyoyakataa mambo yaliyomo katika Azimio.”

Hivyo basi, Azimio hili lilikuwa ni zaidi ya uamuzi wa kutaifisha mali. Wengine walifikiri kuwa Azimio lilikuwa dhidi ya Wahindi na Wazungu.

Alipotangaza Azimio la Arusha Mwalimu alikuwa anatangaza ramani ya nchi kwa lengo la kuonyesha taifa gani tunataka kulijenga.

Hivyo basi, wale wanaotaka Azimio lirudi wajue kabisa kuwa wanachotaka ni kutaka kuangalia ramani yetu ikoje.

Wamarekani kwa mfano wanasonga mbele na kuendelea, lakini mara zote wanarudi na kuangalia ramani ya ujenzi wa taifa lao kama ilivyotangazwa katika Azimio lao la Uhuru 4Julai 1776 na kuandikwa vizuri kwa kina katika Katiba yao (na mabadiliko yake yote).

Huwezi kuwaambia kitu Wamarekani kuhusu uhuru wao kama taifa na kama mtu mmoja mmoja; huwezi kuwaeleza juu ya haki ya kujieleza na kutoa maoni yao; na huwezi kuwaambia kitu kuhusu uwezo na haki ya wananchi wao kuisimamia serikali yao.

Leo hii watu wanawahusudu Wamarekani na wanaihusudu Marekani, wanadhania nchi hiyo imeteremshwa iliyopambwa kama Yerusalemu kutoka mbinguni.

Marekani ni nchi iliyozaliwa kutokana na damu; imezaliwa kutokana na Azimio lao la Uhuru; azimio ambalo halikuwafurahisha watu wote. Zipo taarifa kwamba katika kujenga nchi hiyo, mamia ya watu wamepoteza maisha kulinda azimio hilo. Leo hii, Wamarekani wanakula katika kivuli ambacho wazazi wao walichumia.

Kumbe basi Azimio letu kama alivyosema rais Mwinyi na Nyerere, lilikuwa ni azimio la “shabaha” la nini tunataka kufanya katika nchi yetu. Kutoka na kuzikwa bila kuliswalia, taifa letu linaongozwa kwa kubahatisha.

Matatizo ambayo azimio liliona miaka 40 iliyopita, yapo mpaka sasa na mengine yamekua zaidi. Kwa sababu tuliacha kujenga taifa kwa misingi tuliyoitaka na tukakubali matakwa ya wachache waliosema azimio ni baya na linarudisha nyuma maendeleo.

Bali, Azimio la Arusha lilikuwa ni dira. Leo hii, kila kiongozi anakuja na mpango wake. Yupo aliyekuja na kauli mbiu ya ruksa, mwingine “uwazi na ukweli” na huyu wa sasa amekuja na “Kasi Mpya, Ari Mpya na Nguvu Mpya.”

Hakuna hata mmoja ambaye anaweza kutaja neno “Azimio la Arusha” hadharani; kukiri kuwa nchi ilikuwa na ramani na kwa hakika hasisitiza kulirudisha. Wala CCM hakiwezi kurudisha Azimio la Arusha. Hakiwezi kwa sababu, azimio linasimama kama hati ya mashtaka dhidi ya chama hicho.

Azimio lile linaogopwa na wanyonyaji mambo leo na kwa hakika, wanyonyaji hao siyo Wahindi wala Wazungu! Ni CCM. Iwapo ikikumbatia azimio la Arusha, kina Kingunge watakula wapi?

Wanyonyaji wanaotajwa kwenye Azimio la Arusha ndio tumewabadilisha jina na kuwaita mafisadi. Hii ni kwa sababu watu hawataki kuitwa tena wanyonyaji. Azimio la Arusha halikumtisha mtu aliyetaka kutengeneza maisha yake kwa uhalali; halikuwa tishio kwa vijana na wazee ambao walitaka nafasi sawa ya kufanikiwa katika nchi yao. Azimio lilitoa nafasi kwa wananchi wote bila kujali rangi, kabila, dini, au hali ya maisha kufanikiwa katika maisha yao.

Hivyo, wale wanaotaka Azimio lirudi ni muhimu watambue kuwa kile wanachokitaka ni kikubwa kuliko maadili ya uongozi au miiko ya uongozi iliyomo kwenye azimio hilo. Wanaotaka Azimio lirudi wajue wanalilia ramani ya taifa letu; wanataka mchoro wa ujenzi wa nchi yetu ambao CCM wameukana.

Mwaka huu wa uamuzi, Watanzania watatakiwa kujiuliza kama wanataka kuendelea kujaribu kujenga nchi bila kufuata dira yoyote inayoeleweka au kufanya kila ambacho nchi nyingine zimefanya.

Azimio la Arusha likirudishwa Tanzania, yawezekana ukawa ni mwanzo wa ukombozi mpya wa taifa letu na kurudi pale tulipopotea. Azimio halikufa kama tunavyotakiwa tuamini; halikuzikwa kama tunavyohubiriwa; bali walijaribu kulizika likiwa bado lina pumzi; na sasa limeamua kuamka. Baadhi yetu, tumejitolea kuwa watetezi wake wa mwisho!

Credit to: Mwanahalisi: http://www.mwanahalisi.co.tz/azimio_la_arusha_ccm_ondoeni_matanga

The struggle for Economic Freedom is now: Mwalimu Nyerere`s legacy

BY DR. DALALY  PETER KAFUMU.

Julius Kambarage Nyerere whom we call Mwalimu - Teacher and Farther of a Nation, his legacy and influence to Tanzania will live on for centuries. The commemoration tomorrow, the 14th October 2013 of his passing, is still an inspiration in the struggle for economic independence.

Although the world is now a global village ruled by the economically powerful nations, where poor nations and rich nations are treated as equals in the free market economy, even under such circumstances Mwalimu's political philosophies and innovations may still stand the test of time and worth of paying tribute to.

In this global village guided by the capitalist World Economic Order; writing about Nyerere's socialist economic liberation struggles of the late 1960s and 1970s may look ridiculous and possibly absurd. It is like writing about Gandhi's Non-Violence Philosophy in a world full of political, social and economic violence in the name of democracy and human rights, and yet Gandhi is and will remain a legendary leader of the world. And again it is like writing about the merits of leadership of Mzee Mandela in a world infested by leaders who want to rule forever, in the name of nationalism and monarchies.

It is possible to recount legendary leaderships in "Memorial Days" of Great Leaders of the world like the "Nyerere Memorial Day", where one can attempt to discuss these events that seem as inconsistent to the reality of our days and yet be spares from International Community wrath. Because Mwalimu is venerated by many as one of greatest leaders of Africa I can safely recount the visions, revelations and hopes of Mwalimu to liberate Tanzania from economic bondage, in order to honor this Role Model of many in Tanzania and the world.

Indeed, Mwalimu's visions and wishes may look like historical fiction tales today, but, sometimes it is fitting and indeed a dignified exercise to tell the tale so as to remember and cherish good hopes and optimisms of great men of this world like Nyerere. Could Mwalimu's lost visions inspire us once again to begin the economic liberation? May be!!!

The visions and the inspirations of Nyerere's struggles for economic independence had come after visiting China in the mid 60s and 70's he became a Socialist Leader to begin the struggle for economic freedom. Inventing the Arusha Declaration on Mao's ideologies, Mwalimu was ready to walk a noble course to economically liberate his country.

In the Arusha Declaration Mwalimu Nyerere envisioned this struggle by declaring: "... TANU is involved in a war against poverty and oppression in our country; the struggle is aimed at moving the people of Tanzania (and the people of Africa as a whole) from a state of poverty to a State of prosperity. We have been oppressed a great deal, we have been exploited a great deal and we have been disregarded a great deal. It is our weakness that has led to our being oppressed, exploited and disregarded. Now we want a revolution – a revolution which brings an end to our weakness, so that we are never again exploited, oppressed, or humiliated..."

The Arusha Declaration of Mwalimu continued to warn that gifts and loans from abroad will endanger Tanzanians' independence by saying: "... even if it were possible for us to get enough money for our needs from external sources, is this what we really want? Independence means self-reliance. Independence cannot be real if a nation depends upon gifts and loans from another for its development..."

The Arusha Declaration continued: "...How can we depend upon gifts, loans, and investments from foreign countries and foreign companies without endangering our independence? How can we depend upon foreign governments and companies for the major part of our development without giving to those governments and countries a great part of our freedom to act as we please? The truth is that we cannot..."

Mwalimu was very clear in his mind that nation, or nations, that were prepared to give Tanzania all the money it needed for its development, it was in fact improper for Tanzania to accept such assistance without contemplating the severe effects, it would bring to its independence and to the very survival as a nation. 

Mwalimu's heart was very heavy and not ready to agree to leave the economy of his country in the hands of foreigners who would take the profits back to their countries. He wondered that even if the investors would decide to reinvest in Tanzania; it was still very hard for him to really accept the situation without asking what disadvantages the nation would suffer. He was worried that, the situation if allowed would destroy socialism he aimed at building.

In Nyerere's mind it was a mistake to choose money - something we do not have – to be the big instrument of Tanzania's' development. He warned that; it was a very big mistake to think that we shall get the money from other countries, because it will lure us into a dependence upon others and that would endanger our independence and our ability to choose our own political policies.

As an alternative he thought of putting together his people in Ujamaa Villages and encourage them to work hard for an economic independence. Dreaming for an economic free Tanzania he wanted to instill in the youth in schools and colleges the culture and heart of self reliance. Education for Self Reliance Philosophy was his key socio-economic innovation that aimed at creating an economically free country 50 years later.

As Mwalimu struggled alone to achieve his dreams and visions, the rich nations also intended to pull Tanzania and Africa in general into a global trap - an economic conspiracy that would guide poor nations to dance the song of dependence lubricated by the drum sounds of money and the harp of external aid in form of grants (gifts), loans and foreign direct investment. A globalization itch was under construction where the world soon became a village and poor or rich were made to compete and play the same dance as if there were equals in the development evolution schema.

After 24 years of hard work; in 1984; Mwalimu, a lone soldier, overwhelmed by the global wind of political change raised his hands up in surrender to the capitalists and stepped aside to allow the imposing change to engulf Tanzania and indeed Africa. Though it was too much for him, but his legacy that he led the struggle for economic liberation will live on.

Today 14 years after the passing away of Mwalimu the world economic order have tightened further its grip on Tanzania and Africa as a whole. Developed nations are not assisting Africa to grow economically because globalization has assumed an equal arena for economic development between the rich and the poor.

Poor nations and the West are treated as equals in the free market economy. In this new world economic order, unequal economic partnerships; alien western democratization, lack of technology and capital becomes weapons for neo-colonial domination in which resources from poor nations particularly of Africa continued to find their way to the center – to the rich and rulers of the world.

Today the developed world strives to keep poor nations as a market of goods, services and technology, and building economy in African countries becomes heavily dependent to the West. World Development Partners like Donor Countries, the European Union, the United Nations, World Bank and IMF are all at the fulcrum of this skewed partnership and are poised to control the economic future of poor nations like Tanzania. Development Partners continue to push Tanzania and other African countries into an inappropriate democracy, forgetting that these nations are still poor and disorganized for such a too much free democracy.

In order to free itself from this dependence, Tanzania (indeed all Africa)like China and India must take up the initiatives to be a leader in all economic projects, instead of leaving most economic development activities that include infrastructure development like railways, roads, power, and dams; and large scale economic investments activities like agriculture, mining, oil and gas, and tourism that can free Tanzania and Africa from economic bondage to the oppressive world private sector-led investment system of investors that Tanzania and Africa cannot compete.

Africa once again must start a long walk to Economic Freedom – as was in the late 1950s when most African Countries began their long walk to freedom – the struggle for freedom from colonial rules.

These struggles for political independence were led by a first generation of very audacious leaders like Nyerere who emerged to lead the continent into a political freedom. These leaders were very courageous, brave and fearless; whatever the colonialist did it only fueled them to struggle even harder. This generation of tough leaders that emerged throughout Africa bravely led this continent to a flag freedom.

Unfortunately, although many African nations gained political independence, colonial powers still maintained control of the economies of these nations. This is because Africa was full of extensive arable land that can produce crops like coffee, tea, cotton, cashew nuts and cocoa. It also contained natural resources including minerals such as gold, copper, iron ore, silver and diamonds as well as water, forests and wildlife.

Africa remained and remains today an important source of raw materials for the former rulers and that was and is still enough incentive and justification to continue the imperialist economic rule.

Because of this, many nations have remained dependent economically on their former colonial powers. Neo-colonialism began and rules today; and those who try to break away from this economic bondage are faced with an iron hammer crash of the West military mighty - with vivid examples in Egypt, Libya and now Syria.

Most African flag independent States are under economic oppression, a bondage which is not very different from the colonial rules of the 1900 – 1970 world. This modern world is a world in the midst of economic dependence and a lot of people in need of help. In other words the political environment under neo-colonial rule of today is not different from the political environment during colonial times where the struggles for independence began.

The West have set armory to dominate the economies of poor African nations. As said earlier the armament store includes technology, capital, western democratic systems, aid, grants and loans. These are weapons of mass destruction – serious strings that pull and maintain Tanzania and Africa as a whole in economic bondage.

Tanzania cannot get out from this imperialism if it does not once again start and stage liberation struggles of the order of 1950s to the late 1980s.

In order to do that Africa and Tanzania in particular will need to raise and nurture up a new generation "new breed" of youthful leaders that can dare to lead the continent into an economic liberation struggle; a struggle that will lead Africa to real Freedom. The African Economic Independence Movements must begin now.

The third Millennium must mark a wave of struggles for economic independence in Imperialist-ruled African territories. For thousands of Tanzanians and Africans in general, economic freedom may only be granted after long, agonizing, probably armed struggle guerrilla warfare - this is a hard reality of our day.

As a people with faiths of different religions, this is the time that poor nations of Africa must intercede to the almighty God that He raises a leader or leaders like the Kings of old to lead poor nations into economic freedom; to liberate these countries from economic domination. We must pray to God to raise a leader in our midst, a leader brave and courageous; to descend to Tanzania at this hour and begin this struggle.

This is an opportune time for Tanzania to breed a young liberator, energetic enough to begin an economic liberation struggle.

As a nation we must converse and agree on a leader; a true leader who must have the spirit of our forefather, Mwalimu Nyerere who dared to wage war to liberate Africa from first colonial flag bondage and then from economic dependence.

The year 2015 is for Tanzania an opportunity that we must stop claw marking on our faces for presidency and carefully seize this moment to identify and select a youthful leader who can dare to lead the Economic Liberation Struggle inspired by our very Leader Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere.

SOURCE: GUARDIAN ON SUNDAY: http://www.ippmedia.com/frontend/index.php?l=60338

Julius K. Nyerere: 13 April 1922 - 14 October 1999

Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born on 13 April 1922 at Butiama village, Mara Region, as one of 26 children of Nyerere Burito (1860–1942), Chief of the Zanaki tribe. He began attending Government Primary School in Musoma at the age of 12 where he completed the four year programme in three years and went on to Tabora Government School in 1937.

He later described Tabora School as being "as close to Eton as you can get in Africa."[ In 1943 he was baptised as a Catholic, taking the baptismal name of Julius. He received a scholarship to attend Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda. Here he founded the Tanganyika Welfare Association, which eventually merged with the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), which had been formed in 1929.

Nyerere received his teaching diploma in 1947. He returned to Tanganyika and worked for 3 years at St. Mary's Secondary School in Tabora, where he taught Biology and English. In 1949 he got a government scholarship to attend the University of Edinburgh and was the first Tanganyikan to study at a British university.

He obtained an undergraduate Master of Arts degree in Economics and History in 1952. In Edinburgh he encountered Fabian thinking and began to develop his particular vision of connecting socialism with African communal living.

Political career

On his return to Tanganyika, Nyerere took a position teaching History, English and Kiswahili, at St. Francis' College, near Dar es Salaam. In 1953 he was elected president of the TAA, a civic organisation dominated by civil servants, that he had been involved with while a student at Makerere University. In 1954 he transformed TAA into the politically oriented Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). TANU's main objective was to achieve national sovereignty for Tanganyika. A campaign to register new members was launched, and within a year TANU had become the leading political organisation in the country.

Nyerere's activities attracted the attention of the Colonial authorities and he was forced to make a choice between his political activities and his teaching. He was reported as saying that he was a "schoolmaster by choice and a politician by accident". He resigned from teaching and travelled throughout the country speaking to common people and tribal chiefs, trying to garner support for movement towards independence. He also spoke on behalf of TANU to the Trusteeship Council and Fourth Committee of the United Nations in New York. His oratory skills and integrity helped Nyerere achieve TANU goal for an independent country without war or bloodshed. The cooperative British governor Sir Richard Turnbull was also a factor in the struggle for independence. Nyerere entered the Colonial Legislative council following the country's first elections in 1958–59 and was elected chief minister following fresh elections in 1960. In 1961 Tanganyika was gained independence as a commonwealth realm and Nyerere became its first Prime Minister on 9 December 1961. A year later Nyerere was elected President of Tanganyika when it became a republic.

Nyerere was instrumental in the union between the islands of Zanzibar and the mainland Tanganyika to form Tanzania, after the Zanzibar revolution on 12 January 1964 which toppled the Sultan of Zanzibar Jamshid bin Abdullah. The coup leader, a stonemason from Lira, Uganda, named John Okello, had intended Zanzibar to join Kenya. Nyerere, unnerved by the Tanganyika Army mutiny a few days later, ensured that Okello was barred from returning to Zanzibar after a visit to the mainland.

Transformation into socialism

When in power, Nyerere implemented a socialist economic programme (announced in the Arusha Declaration), establishing close ties with Mao Zedong's China, and also introduced a policy of collectivisation in the country's agricultural system, known as ujamaa or "familyhood".

In 1967, nationalizations transformed the government into the largest employer in the country. The state expanded rapidly into virtually every sector. It was involved in everything from retailing to import-export trade and even baking. This created an environment ripe for corruption.

The private sector suffered from the multiplying cumbersome, bureaucratic procedures and excessive tax rates. Enormous amounts of public funds were misappropriated and put to unproductive use. Purchasing power declined at an unprecedented rate and even essential commodities became unavailable. Unfortunately, a system of permits (vibali) allowed officials to collect huge bribes in exchange for the vibali. Nyerere's policies laid out a foundation for systemic corruption for years to come. The ruling party's officials became known as Wabenzi ("people of the Benz"), referring to their taste for Benz cars.

Collectivization was accelerated in 1971. Because the population resisted collectivisation, Nyerere used his police and military forces to forcibly transfer much of the population into collective farms known as Ujamaa Villages. Houses were set on fire or demolished, sometimes with the family's pre-Ujamaa property inside. The regime denied food to those who resisted. A substantial amount of the country's wealth in the form of built structures and improved land (fields, fruit trees, fences) was destroyed or forcibly abandoned. Livestock was stolen, lost, fell ill, or died.

Nyerere announced that he would retire after presidential elections in 1985, leaving the country to enter its free market era — as imposed by structural adjustment under the IMF and World bank — under the leadership of Ali Hassan Mwinyi, his hand-picked successor. Nyerere was instrumental in putting both Ali Hassan Mwinyi and Benjamin Mkapa in power. He remained the chairman of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (ruling party) for five years following his presidency until 1990, and is still recognised as the Father of the Nation.

Nyerere's foreign policy emphasised nonalignment in the Cold War and under his leadership Tanzania enjoyed friendly relations with the People's Republic of China, the Soviet bloc as well as the Western world. Nyerere sided with the Chinese in the Sino-Soviet rivalry.

Nyerere, along with several other Pan-Africanist leaders, founded the Organisation of African Unity in 1963. Nyerere supported several militant groups active in African colonies, including the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) of South Africa, FRELIMO when it sought to overthrow Portuguese rule in Mozambique, MPLA when it sought to overthrow Portuguese rule in Angola, and ZANLA in its war with the Smith government of Rhodesia. From the mid 1970s on, along with President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, he was one of the leaders of the Front Line States which campaigned in support of black majority rule in southern Africa. In 1978 he led Tanzania in war with Uganda, defeating and exiling the government of Idi Amin.

Nyerere continued to influence the people of Tanzania in the years following his presidency. His broader ideas of socialism live on in the rap and hip hop artists of Tanzania. Nyerere believed socialism was an attitude of mind that barred discrimination and entailed equality of all human beings.

Therefore, ujamaa can be said to have created the social environment for the development of hip hop culture. Like in other countries, hip hop emerged in post-colonial Tanzania when divisions among the population were prominent, whether by class, ethnicity or gender. Rappers’ broadcast messages of freedom, unity, and family, topics that are all reminiscent of the spirit Nyerere put forth in ujamaa. In addition, Nyerere supported the presence of foreign cultures in Tanzania saying, "a nation which refuses to learn from foreign cultures is nothing but a nation of idiots and lunatics...[but] to learn from other cultures does not mean we should abandon our own."

Under his leadership, the Ministry of National Culture and Youth was created in order to allow Tanzanian popular culture, in this case hip hop, to develop and flower. As a result of Nyerere’s presence in Tanzania, the genre of hip hop was welcomed from overseas in Tanzania and melded with the spirit of ujamaa.

Kung’atuka

After the Presidency, Nyerere kept to his word of kung’atuka (pulling out of politics for good). He moved back to his childhood home village of Butiama. During his retirement, he continued to travel the world meeting various heads of government as an advocate for poor countries and especially the South Centre institution.

Nyerere travelled more widely after retiring than he did when he was president of Tanzania. One of his last high-profile actions was as the chief mediator in the Burundi conflict in 1996. He died in a London hospital of leukaemia on 14 October 1999.

Positions Held after Presidency: Chairman of Chama Cha Mapinduzi (1985–1990), Chairman of the independent International South Commission (1987–1990), and Chairman of the South Centre in the Geneva & Dar es Salaam Offices (1990–1999).

In January 2005 the Catholic diocese of Musoma opened a cause for the beatification of Julius Nyerere. Nyerere was a devout Catholic who attended Mass daily throughout his public life and was known for fasting frequently.

Honorary degrees

He has received honorary degrees from the University of Edinburgh (UK), Duquesne University (USA), University of Cairo (Egypt), University of Nigeria (Nigeria), University of Ibadan (Nigeria), University of Liberia (Liberia), University of Toronto (Canada), Howard University (USA), Jawaharlal Nehru University (India), University of Havana (Cuba), National University of Lesotho,[32] University of the Philippines, Fort Hare University (South Africa), Sokoine University of Agriculture (Tanzania), and Lincoln University (PA, USA).

SOURCE: GUARDIAN ON SUNDAY: http://www.ippmedia.com/frontend/index.php?l=60340